Archive for August 2010

Macedonia- The Bulgarian Uprising of 1903 in Official Documents from the United States Foreign Relations

August 30, 2010

From the official documents of the United States Foreign Relation in 1903, we have a clear view of the situation in Macedonia. In these documents the official FYROM’s propaganda collapses since no United States Foreign Relation mentions any “Macedonian” ethnicity but they highlight the fact that the insurgents were Bulgarians!!!

The American Consuls in their reports stress the terrible crimes commited by the Bulgarian Bands against Turkish and Greek population in Macedonia. Hundreds of villages were burned and non-combatant population were cruelly murdered.

The SlavoBulgarian Anti-Macedonian Struggle as it was reported by the United States Foreign Relations Papers of 1903!

SlavoBulgarian Anti-Macedonian Struggle, 1897-1903

August 28, 2010

One of the less known aspects of the Macedonian question has been the needlessly Cruel methods and Crimes commited by the SlavoBulgarian Komitadjis against the Greek population of Macedonia. The Bulgarian bands had been notorious for their murders and outrages against non-combatants and especially the Greeks of Macedonia.  The list is certainly not complete and never will be, since noone could ever count ALL atrocities perpertuated by Komitadji Butchers.

The victims range in social position from the peasant to the landowner and the merchant. A number of priests are also among the murdered. Whole families have been exterminated in some cases while women and children have not escaped from the murdering enstict of Komitadjis. Some of the victims were accused of denouncing the perpetrators of the outrages, and others incureed the hatred of the insurrectionists by refusing either to join the Bulgarian bands or give monetary assistance, but most of those who have suffered death were the innocent victims of a campaign which is being waged neither in the interests of justice nor of liberty.

Members of one of the Bulgarian bands entered the house of the Saramantos family from Babiani. Without explanation or reason given, they murdered Costas Saramantos, his wifein the presence of their son Nicolas and also put to death a nephew of the old man and the nephew’s wife. Nicolas was spared only because the Bulgarian murderers required him to take a message to the brigands’s camp. This is a frequent true story reiterated over and over by SlavoBulgarian inhuman criminals against Greeks.

Below is cited a list of Macedonian names cruelly murdered by Komitadji savages. (Source ΑΠΘ)

slavobulgariancrimes 1 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 2 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 4 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 5 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 6 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 7 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 8 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 9 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 10 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 11 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

slavobulgariancrimes 12 SlavoBulgarian Anti Macedonian Struggle, 1897 1903

Macedonian History and FYROM’s Propaganda #1 “The use of the term Macedonia was forbidden in Greece until 1988″

August 25, 2010


FYROM’s Slavs claim that the use of the term “MAKEDONIA” in Greece was forbidden until 1988 and that no province with the name “MAKEDONIA” (Macedonia) existed in Northern-Greece before 1988. 

There are many examples for state institutions or privat corporations which use the term “MAKEDONIA” in Greece since the end of 19th century and still use it:

Newspaper “Makedonia” paper of 4th April of 1878

Makedonia newspaper

Faros Of Macedonia – paper of 29th November 1887.

Ermis of Thessaloniki – paper of 24th Octomber of 1875.


Official document from the Kingdom of Greece in 1922, mentioning the name of the commanding officer of…Macedonia.

The Greek government had given the title  “Governor General of Macedoniato the Greek minister of the Macedonia region in Greece.


In early 1923 the Governor-General of Macedonia, Achilleas Lambros, conducted an ethnological survey of this region.(30) According to Lambros, the statistical data came (a) from the official Greek census of 1920, (b) from another census conducted at about the same time on behalf of the Foreign Ministry and (c) from information derived from various local officials.

This figure is also supported by an 1912 unofficial and unpublished census found in the papers of the first Greek Governor-General of Macedonia, Stefanos Dragoumis.(25)
(25.) Archeio Stefanou Dragoumi [Stefanos Dragoumis Papers], F.116.4., Governor-General of Thessaloniki to the Prime Minister, Thessaloniki, 4 November 1913, ref. 17210

general governor of Macedonia

1923: “In the course of conversation, Mr. Lambros [Governor General of Macedonia], actually said that the present was a good opportunity to get rid of the Bulgars [sic] who remained in this area and who had always been a source of trouble for Greece.

We can easily find references in international press.

Time Magazine – Aug. 04, 1924 

The Greek Government crisis was weathered.Out walked Premier Papanastasiou (TIME, July 28) and in trotted Premier Sofoulis, ex-Governor of Macedonia, followed by five staunch supporters:Premier and Marine: S. Sofoulis.  

Finance: M. Tsouderos, ex-Foreign Minister under Venizelos.  

Foreign Affairs: Georges Roussos, ex-Foreign Minister and one-time Minister to the U. S.  

War: General Katehakis.  

Interior: General Peter Mavromiethaelis.  

Agriculture: M. Mylonas, also in the Venizelos Cabinet.…718771,00.html
Time Magazine, ‘New Cabinet’ Monday, Aug. 04, 1924  

 Time Magazine, ‘Toward Warm Water?’, Monday, Jul. 23, 1945

What was going on? The Greek Governor General of Macedonia said that no refugees were streaming into Yugoslavia,…803589,00.html
Time Magazine, ‘Toward Warm Water?’, Monday, Jul. 23, 1945

The Greek Company of Scientific Researches were publishing books in Greece while sending similar reports to the Greek government under the title “Economy of Macedonia” in 1928.

The Greek “Club of scholars from Macedonia” were sending reports to the Greek government from education in Macedonia, having in the cover pictures of Alexander the Great in 1932.

The undergraduates in the University of Thessalonike were listening to their Rector adressing them for being lucky to be in “the heart of Macedonia” just in





The building of the Society of Macedonian Studies founded in 1934. You do not need to know Greek to read the word in the middle: Makedonikwn=Macedonian

    Newspaper “MAKEDONIA” March 1940

Makedonika Magazine -1940



Pan-Macedonian Association – 1947  

National Geographic Map of 1958  

National Geographic 1958 map  

Zoom in here  


Macedonia (Greek:Μακεδονία) is a Greek daily newspaper first published in 1911 by Vellidis.

The Society for Macedonian Studies


In the spring of 1939, a number of distinguished citizens of Thessaloniki founded the Society for Macedonian Studies as a legal entity of private law.
The Society for Macedonian Studies founded the Institute for Balkan Studies, initially as one of its own departments. The latter is now an independent body in its own right, with the Society for Macedonian Studies represented by three of the seven members of the Administrative Board. Another foundation is the Historical Archive of Macedonia, and the Society was also co-founder of the Museum of the Macedonian Struggle.  

NationMaster – Encyclopedia: Macedonia (newspaper)  


It was founded in 1926 and since then the term Macedonia is always used officialy in the greatest  International event of Thessalonike. For further infos see International Fair Trade Topic  

International Fair of Thessalonike  


Efimeris Kyverniseos” [Official Newspaper of the Greek Government] 15th Feb. of 1963.

Greek Kingdom honours Makedonomachoi between 1902-1908 


Map of Greece from 1973  

University o Texas 

The Society for Macedonian Studies – 1975  

Art Gallery of the Society for Macedonian Studies



Founded in 1975, this was the first organised visual art institution in the city, its purpose being to promote and disseminate modern Greek art, mainly that of northern Greece. […] The collection comprises more than 400 works, mainly paintings, sculptures, and engravings, mostly by artists from Thessaloniki and Macedonia in general, though there are also works by major artists from the rest of Greece and other countries too.

Art Gallery of the Society for Macedonian Studies by Greece Museums Guide – #1 Travel Guide to Greek Culture

The term Macedonia was also used in Greek school books.  

Geography School book of 1977  

greek geography school book mentioning Macedonia  

History of Macedonia  


Thessaloniki Museum of the Macedonian Struggle

The Society which is responsible for the Museum of the Macedonian Struggle is that of the “Frieds of the Museum of the Macedonian Struggle”, a private association founded in Thessaloniki in 1979.
Greece uses the term“MAKEDONIA” even before Macedonia was liberated.  FYROM’s propagandistic claim that the greek Term “MAKEDONIA” was forbidden in Greece is totally clumsy and another lie used by FYROM’s propagandists.  

Many thanks to the members of MacedoniaOnTheWeb for gathering all that info. Source:

Ancient Macedonian Greekness and explanation of the term ‘Barbaroi’ by N.G.L. Hammond

August 24, 2010
Deductions and explanation of the term ‘barbaroi’


The deductions are the following. The Macedonians and the Magnesians lived ‘around Pieria and Olympus’, which I take to be the high ground where there were fine summer pastures. Each spoke its own dialect of Greek. The dialects were related to one another. But both were different from the dialects which developed among the Greeks south of Mt Olympus. At some time before ca. 1200 B. C. the Magnesians migrated to dwell ‘around Peneus and Pelion’, and centuries later in the archaic period they were talking a dialect of Aeolic Greek which differed from two other groups of Aeolic dialect in Thessaly. It was a characteristic of the transhumant pastoral groups of the Vlachs that they conserved dialectal distinctions, the Vlachs for instance on Olympus and Pieria having a distinct and strong dialect. The Macedonian speech was regarded by the Greeks of Ionic, Doric and Aeolic dialects as a backward brogue, but there was no doubt that their speech was Greek. Late in the fifth century Hellanicus saw a kinship of the Macedonian dialect with the Aeolic dialect; that kinship may have developed through contacts of Macedonia with Thessalians, Perrhaebians and Magnesians. In the fourth century the standard form of Greek, the koine, was probably gaining ground even in the homeland of the Macedonians. In 371 B. C. we see the first evidence of Macedonia being included in the company of Greek states. The speakers of the other 3 dialects, Ionic, Doric and Aeolian developed the city-state as their chief political form. It was republican, racist, and generally democratic, and it prided itself on its intellectual and cultural standing. The Macedonians and the Molossian tribes, whether in Epirus or in what is now West Macedonia, were entirely different; for they were tribal states, usually monarchical, and culturally backward. Even Aristotle who knew the Macedonian court held that people who were ruled by a king had to be so ruled because they lacked the intelligence to govern themselves.

Thucydides drew a firm line between the settled, civilized city-states and ‘many parts of Hellas’ which ‘still follow the old fashion, the Ozolian Locrians for instance, the Aetolians, the Acarnanians and that region of the continent’ (1.5.3), and he compared that old fashion with the barbarian way of life (1.6.6). It is therefore not surprising that he called some tribes of northern Greece ‘barbarians’: Amphilochi (3.112.7), those near Cheimerium (1.47.3; 1.50.3), being Thesproti), Chaones, Molossi, Atintanes, Parauaei, Orestai (2.68.9; 2.80.5; 2.81-2), tribes of Upper Macedonia (4.124.1 and 126.3), and probably the Macedonians proper (4.124.1 and 126.3). As we have seen, inscriptions show beyond dispute that the Molossi and the Macedones were Greek-speaking in the lifetime of Thucydides. He therefore used the term ‘barbaroi’ not in a linguistic sense but in a cultural sense.21 As an example of the abusive term ‘barbarian’ we may cite the fragment of Thrasymachus, written on behalf of the democrats of Larissa: ‘Shall we who are Greeks be the slaves of the barbarian Archelaus?’ (Αρχελάω δουλεύσομεν Έλληνες όντες βαρβάρω ;). As a member of the Temenid family Archelaus was of the noblest Greek descent, like the oligarchic Aleuadae of Larissa and the kings of Sparta. The jibe put in the mouths of the democrats was vitupera-tive, not linguistic. Similarly Demosthenes called a Macedonian king (Perdiccas II, but not named) ‘a Barbarian’ (3.24), and he dismissed Philip as ‘not only no Hellene, not only not related to the Hellenes, but not even a barbarian from a country that one could acknowledge with credit – he is a pestilent Macedonian, from whose country it used not to be possible to buy even a slave of any value’ (9.31). Such cheap parody is matched by wartime songs about the Siegfried Line or the genitals of Adolf. Scholars have taken more seriously a passage in Isocrates, Philippus 107 f. Isocrates was writing in 346 B. C. about the founder of the Macedonian kingdom, presumably Perdiccas I, as a Heraclid who went out from Argos in the Peloponnese to obtain a throne. Isocrates claimed, as Aristotle was claiming that the Hellenes would not submit to monarchy but that the others could not organise their lives without it. So Perdiccas was unique in going beyond ‘the Hellenic area’ and claiming rule over ‘a race not of the same tribe’ (ουχ ομοφύλω γένους άρχειν αξιώσας). This last phrase has been interpreted as ‘of non-kindred race’ and as indicating ‘the feeling of a major difference’. 

But one has only to cite from Thucydides 1.102.3 the Spartans’ reflection that the Athenians were ‘of another tribe’ (αλλοφύλους αμα ηγησάμενοι), i. e. lonians as distinct from Dorians. The meaning of Isocrates is that the Macedonians were a different tribe from the Argives. There was no statement that the Macedonians spoke a different language or were of non-Greek origins. Finally, it has been assumed sometimes that when Herodotus wrote of the Dorian family (genos) living in Pindus and being called ‘Makednon’ (a term he resumed at 8.43 with the word ethnos), he meant Macedonian and proposed that the Dorians and Macedonians were in some sense fused. But when Herodotus meant Macedonians, he said Macedonians and he used the adjective Μακεδονικόν (7.13 1). His own usage shows that Μακεδνόν had an altogether different meaning. The term ‘Hellenes’ is sometimes a cause of misunderstanding. Thucydides limited its application to the genealogy of Deucalion – Hellen – sons of Hellen  (i. e. Doros, Xouthos and Aiolos), and he envisaged their descendants being invited into existing states, establishing communication with one another, and eventually adopting a common name ‘Hellenes’ (1.3.2-4). He seems to have assumed an expansion by these descendants from Phthiotis in Thessaly southwards. He did not include under the term ‘Hellenes’ the descendants of Deucalion  Thyia – sons of Thyia (Magnes and Macedon), nor any of the other Greek-speaking peoples west, northwest and northeast of Thessaly. One may name them as Amphilochians, Thesprotians, Molossians, Chaones, Dassaretae, Elimeotae, Tymphaei, Parauaei, Orestae, Lyncestae, Pelagones, Magnesians, Macedonians, Bottiaei (in Bottike) and Chalcideis. It is thus obvious that Thucydides used ‘Hellenes’ to mean the descendants of Hellen and of the peoples into whose states they moved, and not to mean ‘Greek-speaking peoples’. 

 In two passages Thucydides did comment on the speech of a people who were not in his sense of the word ‘Hellenes’. Amphilochia and its capital city, Argos, were peopled by emigrants from Peloponnesian Argos, whose leader was Amphiaraus just after the Trojan War. He and his followers, like the other fighters against Troy, were Greek-speakers in Thucydides’ opinion. Then ‘many generations later’ the men of the capital city accepted as fellow-citizens men of Ambracia, a colony of Corinth, who spoke the Doric dialect. When that dialect prevailed, the Amphilochian Argives ‘were Hellenised in their present speech  … but the other Amphilochians are barbarians’ (2.68.5) (ηλληνίσθησαν την νυν γλώσσαν). The distinction here was between the Doric dialect and a different dialect of Greek speech. The other passage described the cities of the Athos peninsula as inhabited ‘by a mixture of tribes of bilingual barbarians, and there is among them a small Chalcidic element, but the majority is Pelasgic’ (4.109.4).

Here the term ‘bilingual’ (δίγλωσσος) meant that the native language was non-Greek but that Greek was also spoken.On the other hand the Chalcidic element spoke Greek as its native language. These Chalcideis were distinct from the colonial settlers who had come in the eighth and later centuries to the Chalcidic peninsula from Andros and from Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea. Inscriptions have revealed that they spoke a form of the Ionic dialect which differed from the Euboean Ionic dialect. The explanation is that their ancestors had settled there much earlier, either in the Late Mycenaean period or/and in the course of the Ionic Migration of c. 1000 B. C.28 Thucydides recognised them as Greek-speakers; but, to take the Amphilochians as an analogy, he would not have regarded them as ‘Hellenes’.


Source: Literary Evidence for Macedonian Speech, Clare College, Cambridge 

Inscriptions and especially some recorded toponyms have revealed to us that the Bottiaei who lived in the hinterland of the Chalcidic peninsula were speakers of Greek. Thucydides mentioned them and the Chalcideis on several occasions without saying what their speech was; but he did explain that the Bottiaei had previously lived in the Lower Macedonian plain. Their own tradition was that their founder was Botton, who had brought their ancestors from Crete via Taras (Tarentum) and settled them in the Lower Macedonian plain according to Strabo 279, 282 and 329 fr. 1 la. The time must have been between the Mycenaean occupation of Cnossos and the collapse of Mycenaean rule in Crete. Once again we have a Greek-speaking people whom Thucydides would not have regarded as Hellenes. These examples help us to understand the statements by Isocrates that a man of Peloponnesian Argos in founding the royal family among the Macedonians (c. 700-650 B. C.) went beyond ‘the Hellenic area’ and ruled over ‘a race not of the same tribe’.
                                                  Nicholas G. L. Hammond


By Andreas

Macedonians of Megarovo, Tirnovo and Nizopolis send a letter to the Patriarch of Constantinople declaring being proud Greeks on 1885

August 22, 2010

January 7, 1885

 FROM: The Greek Community of Megarovo, Tirnovo and Nizopolis {Pelagonia, between Big Prespa and Monastiri}

TO: The Patriarch of Constantinople

“Your Holiness the Ecumenical Patriarch,We have been aware of the memorandum submitted on December the 22nd to the Ambassador of H.M. the Queen of Britain to the Sublime Porte {the Sultan } by the Greek Orthodox community of Monastiri versus the lies regarding Macedonia

expressed by journalists in Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia, regarding the would-be Macedonians and representatives of Macedonia as a whole we starkly share the official disproval, accomplished with this memorandum, of the publications in European Newspapers by the Belgian publicist Emile Lavelay and the Russian Ms Novicof on Macedonia, called third part of Bulgaria

and against the rallies orginised by the would-be Macedonians in Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia, and against all of the malicious solicitations of the panslavistic comitates in these and other countries, and having already protested after the inclusion of parts of Macedonia in Bulgaria according to San Stefano treaty, as we already forsee that the panslavistic comitates shall not cease acting for the complete slavification and occupation of Macedonia and sending in Macedonia gangs of banditguerrilas {sic} trained in Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia to achieve their goals,

we proclaim that we reject with indignation the present and future intrigues and officially protest :

1. Against publications in European Newspapers by the Belgian publicist Emile Lavelay and the Russian Ms Novicof attributing a wholly Bulgarian nature to Macedonia, and we proclaim that they are unsubstancial lies, intending only to mislead the public opinion and achieve the conquest goals of panslavism acting via its forces in Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia.

2. Against those who present themselves as Macedonians and would-be representatives of the totality of Macedonia in Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia and using Macedonia’s name organise rallys and send plaints to the European Powers asking for the unification of Macedonia with Bulgaria, we squarely denounce these rallys and we consider all of their plaints invalid, because not only the Greek element in Macedonia itself outnumbers the created Bulgarian one, but along with the Ottoman element it forms an absolute majority and therefore any unification of Macedonia with Bulgaria is unthinkable.

3. We protest against the action taken by the panslavistic comitates and their banditguerrilas groups (…)

4. Being genuine Macedonians and willing to remain so in the future, by the means of our Greek language which we utilise in our commercial transactions and exclusively use in our schools and Churches, having nothing in common with the Bulgarians and fake Macedonians beyond the Aimos ( Balkan ) and the Rhodopi regarding our ethnic language and identity,

we flatly denounce the totality of their chimaeric ideas and willings to unite Macedonia with Bulgaria.

Having redacted and signed the present protestation memorandum we send it to your Divine and Respectable Holiness by our Archpriest Pelagonias Matthew, (…)

Kissing your Holiness we the undersigning

In Monastiri the 7th of January, 1885

Faithful children of your Divine Holiness

Orthodox Greeks and subjects of the Sublime Porte

The Greek orthodox Community of Tyrnovo

The Priests of the orthodox Greek Community

Papa Stergios Naoum, Papa Georgios Christou, Papa Stergios Anastasiou, Papa Nikolaos Anagnostou

Giannakis M. Tzipou, Mpanos Naoum, Petros Chr. Thanou, Stergios Chr. Zithotis, Minas Christodoulou, Taskos Georgiou, Dimitrios Ath. Graikos, Giannis Dimitriou, Dimitrios Leazi Christou, Dimitrios Mikrou, Ioannis G. Zioga, Taskos G. Mizotas, Kostas Nikolaou, Georgios Gossen, Athanasios Georgoftsan, Dimitrios Iosif, Nikolaos A. Maroulis, Stergios Zisi Tahoula, Michalis Dimitriou, Stergios Dimitri, Michalis G. Damianou, Michael Iosif, Giannakis Iosif, Nikolaos Laolikou, Gisos Stergiou, Giannakis Stergiou, Pericles D. Vafeiadis, Christos G. Ziogas, Lazaros G. Graikos, Georgios Konstantinidis, Christos Dimitriou, Georgios Nikolaidis, Iosif Dimitriou, Nikolaos Theohari, Michael Sidera, Georgios Kosta, Dimitrios Vaggeli, Thanos Vaggeli, Zikas Damianou, Nasis Sidera, Thomas Nikola, Ioannis Georgiou, Vaggelis Mitrousi, Kotsos Zisi, Stergios Dina, Fanis Adam, Lazaros Gianni, Dimitrios Naska, Christos Petrou, Nikolaos Ath. Graikos, Kostos Dimitriou, Markos Konstantinou, Georgios Rapi, Kostis Stergiou, Naoum Amand, Taskos G. Kyriazis, Stergios Giannakis, Dimitrios G. Mpella, Nikolaos Theodorou, S. Stefanos Partalis, Asterios Giannoulis, Dimitrios Konstantinidis, Loukas Konstantinidis.

The Representative of the Community of Tyrnovo I overseal that there is no Bulgarian here.

Nikolaos K. Kyriazis

(Demogerontia {Greek Community} seal)

(mouxcharis {ottoman authority} seal)

The Greek Community of Nizopolis

Papa Zisis, Papa Michail, Tezios Thoma, Nouli Tachi, Zisis Nastou, Zisis Kousiou, Kolas Tepsa, Giagos Tzouka , Symeon Tzoianou, Petsos Tasi, Tegios Tachi, Stergios Mpalogiannis, Stergios Mpeltsou, Vasilakis Tezou, Stefos Zisi, Stergios Sarpou, Kola Tsot, Ioannis Karozi, Kousis Mechtasis.

The Representative of the Community of Nizopolis I overseal that there is no Bulgarian here.

Konstantinos Chrysochoou

(Demogerontia {Greek Community} seal)

(mochtaris {ottoman authority} seal)

Community of Megarovo entirely Greek

Papa Vaggelis, Papa Giannakis, Papa Stergiou, Papa Christos, Papa Giannakis, Diamantis Petrou, Ioannis Dalla, Dimitrios A. Zografou, Anastasios G. Kyzias, Konstantinos N. Maltou, Stergios N. Maltou, Stergios Grirtsou, Stergios Tzoka, Stergios Stergiou, Michalis Georgiou, Giannakis K. Vitsa, Zisis Georgiou, Ntinos Zioga, Georgios Zourtoumou, Konstantinos Grammata, Anastasios Vasileiou, Naoum Varzakos, Sokratis D. Zografou, Nikolaos Marina, Vasilakis Ioannou, Nikolaos M. Kousosis, Michalis Theodorou, Kostis I. Nintza, Stergios K. Ioannidis, Kostis D. Ntalaka, Konstantinos I. Mpela, Theodoros Gouramari, Adam K. Koufonikola, Nikolaos Tzapanou, Giannakis Tzapanou, Zisis Tzapanou Anastasios Dovas, Georgios N. Zografou, Andreas Koutsaie, Konstantinos Papastergiou, Giannakis Dalegas, Nikolaos I. Dodoumi, Theodoros I. Gardiki, Dimitris Kokkas, Georgios Zartsi, Michail Dodoumi, Zisis Konstantinou, Anastasios Adam, Dimitrios Anastasiou, Georgios Dimitriou, Mitros Smyrlis, Michail K. Toli, Nikola St. Nikoli, Pantelis N. Graikos, Gousios D. Katragari, Athanasios K. Mouza, Tasos Georgiou, Kozi Dimitriou, Athanasios Kertzou, Minas Varzakos, Stergios K. Vaggeli, Georgios N. Kokosi, Thomas Kostou, Nakos Dima, Stergios Dima, Dimitrios N. Kodari

The teachers

Petros Ioannou, Petros M. Korinas, Konstantinos Athanasiadis, Georgios N. Karlagani, Nikolaos D. Nikou, Stefanos Christou, Stergios Peperkou, Gousios Christou, I.A. Gerdiki, Gousios Dendrou

The Representative of Megarovo

Stergios A. Dogas

(mouchtaris {ottoman authority} seal)

(comitee seal)

Source: Macedonian FAQ (Hellenic), posted by Miltoss

Macedonian names of 14th Century reveal the Greek character of Macedonia

August 21, 2010


Examination of Macedonian Names of 14th Century in the Themes of Thessalonike and Strymon reveals the Greek Character of Macedonia 

  THE study of names can tell us a great deal about a society, for names are primarily a means of social identification. People identify themselves or are identified by others in ways which may reveal kinship patterns, migration movements, economic differentiation or social stratification, superstitious beliefs. Children may habitually be named after the paternal or maternal grandparents, after parents or Siblings. Names may show adherence to a religion or to superstition: the Byzantine parents who named their children Aporicto or Evreto (“rejected” and “founding”) were trying to deceive death, while a man named Prousenos testified to his parents’ nostalgia for a lost homeland in Asia Minor. Proper or family names which continue over more than one generation can show the interest of the family itself or of the state in identifying people over time.  

 The Byzantine peasants in Macedonia of the fourteenth century were commonly identified by a baptismal or given name and some other form of identification: a profession, an indication of geographical origin, a nickname, or an indication of relationship to someone else. Both the given names and the “family” names are of interest here. 

 Some names are very common. Men are often named Nikolaos, Demetrios, Konstantinos, Ioannes, Vasileios,  

Michael, Manouel, Stamates, Theodoros. Somewhat less frequent are the names Modestos, Nikephoros, Theiotokios, Kyriakos, Foteinos, Athanasios, Petros, Alexios, Stefanos, Xenos. Most of these, with the exception of Xenos, Alexios, Modestos and Foteinos, are also common modern Greek names. On the other hand, Evangelos and Eleutherios, which occur frequently in modern Greece, are rare in the fourteenth century.  

 Women were most often called Maria and Anna (as in modern Greece), Zoe, Arete, Chryse, Argyre, Kale, Theodora, Eirene, Xene, Eudokia, Elene, Georgia, and less frequently Vasilike, Ioannousa, Kyriakia, Rossana or Rossa, Siligno, Sophia, Foteine, Theophano, Stammatike, and Marina. The name Aikaterine, one of the commonest modern Greek names, is very rarely encountered.Some Christian names are very similar to those found among the peasants of the Morea in the same period. They fall into three categories: 

 (1) Those referring to God, the Virgin, and Christ; 

 (2) Saints’ names; and  

(3) Those deriving from feasts of the Christian calendar.  

In the first category, we find Theodoros, Theodora (“gift of God”), Manouel from Emmanuel (the popular form Manolis does not appear in our documents), Theochares, Theiotokios (from the Theotokos, or “mother of God”), Panagiotes, from the adjective of the Virgin which qualifies her as “most saintly,” and Christina. Maria, of course, was a very common name.  

The saints most often celebrated in peasant names were Theodore, Demetrius, and George (all military saints), Athanasius and Basil (the fourth-century church fathers), Constantine, the first Christian Emperor, and Helena, his mother. St. Peter is frequently represented, and the name of his assistant, Andronicus, appears occasionally.  

A whole series of baptismal names consists of toponymics, something which one would not expect. Giving a child the name of a city or an island must mean that the family had had recent  connections with the area referred to. In all three apographai under discussion, the greatest number of toponymies comes from Macedonia itself but, of course, outside the domain in which these families are found. This is an expected and logical situation. It simply means that the population of mobile one, moved more easily within rather confined boundaries. Names like Fourneiotes, Kasandrenos, Melenikeiotes, Ravenikiotes, Didymoteichites, Zigniotes indicate that the families had migrated within Macedonia from one domain and one region to another.  

toponymics thessalonike theme1 Macedonian Names of 14th Century reveal the Greek Character of Macedonia 

 Immigration from the rest of Greece, as suggested by names such as Thebaios, Korinthios, Moraites, could be as old as the Latin occupation,but has no reason to be; it is more likely that the emigration  in question followed the reestablishment of Byzantine power in Macedonia, and perhaps even the reestablishment of the Empire at Constantinople. Immigrants from the islands of the Aegean (that is, people bearing the names Lemnaios, Nesiotes, Naxiotes) probably came to Macedonia in the second half of the thirteenth century, after the wars of Michael  VIII with the remaining Latin states had made life on the islands uncertain.  

Some names are obviously of foreign origin, of these mostly are Slavic but also French, Italian and Spanish. Dragos, Draganos, Slanna, Tobranna, Dragna, Zougla, Malha, Merzana, Volkanos, Tobromeros, are all Slavic names. Imbert the Franc(“Μπέρον ο Φράγγος,”) was probably of French origin, while Nikephoros Idalkos, son of Dominick, was the offspring of a Spaniard, perhaps a member of the Catalan Company who had for some reason remained in Macedonia after the invasion of the region by Catalan mercenaries in 1307-1309. 

An examination of the households which have a timeseries from 1300-1301 to 1341 reveal that: 

(a) Theme of Thessalonike  

The Slavic Names constitutes Only 8% out of the total  during 1300-1301 

The Slavic Names constitutes Only 5% out of the total  during 1320-1321 

The Slavic Names constitutes Only 3% out of the total  during 1338-1341 

(b) Theme of Strymon

The Slavic Names constitutes Only 26% out of the total  ca. 1316

The Slavic Names constitutes Only 16% out of the total  ca. 1325

The Slavic Names constitutes Only 30% out of the total  ca. 1341

slavic names strymon theme Macedonian Names of 14th Century reveal the Greek Character of Macedonia

It is characteristic that those who from time to time are designated as Μακεδόνες (=Macedonians) are always members of Byzantine society or the Byzantine army, speaking the same language and apparently following the same faith, and that they never appear to turn, as the head of a certain group, against the Byzantine state.

This category does not appear to include the more recent immigrants to Macedonia, evidently because they retained their own ethnic particularity (language, religion, culture, etc.) and, more important still, their independence from the Byzantine rule. Thus, for example, in no case could any Bulgars, Slavs or Turks who were known to have settled in the region after a certain period (and who, indeed, became the permanent residents) ever be described as Μακεδόνες (=Macedonians).


1 Macedonian Names of 14th Century reveal the Greek Character of Macedonia

2 Macedonian Names of 14th Century reveal the Greek Character of Macedonia

3 Macedonian Names of 14th Century reveal the Greek Character of Macedonia

4 Macedonian Names of 14th Century reveal the Greek Character of Macedonia

5 Macedonian Names of 14th Century reveal the Greek Character of Macedonia

Sources :

Laiou-Thomadakis Angeliki, “Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire“,

Ioannes  Tarnanides, “Οι Κατά Μακεδονίαν Σκλαβήνοι”

Macedonian sacrifices for their Motherland Hellas in a Document of 1865

August 20, 2010

The following document is a  sample of the immense sacrifices commited by Macedonians in favor of their motherland Hellas.  Its an application written by Chrysafis Anastasiou, a Macedonian as himself signs, to the Greek government with date  19.6.1865 where inside he describes his soul-stirring life story.

He was born in Naoussa, Macedonia. He particiapted like many other Macedonians in the Greek revolution where he had his father and many of his relatives, including his mother and sister, killed. Himself was captured by Turks and after 3 years in capture, his surviving relatives paid ransom and managed to be released.

This Macedonian like his relatives “never stopped fighting for Greece” and “praising the names of Liberty and Greece“. In 1865, while being old and ill, he requested from the related commitee of the Greek government a frugal help through this application.

Chrysafis Document of 1865   Sacrifices of Macedonians for their motherland Hellas

The Macedonia’s Greekness through Medieval Slavic Sources

August 18, 2010


One of the common Myths of FYROM’s propaganda imposed on their population is the notion that there were NO Greeks prior to the establisment of the Kingdom of Greece (Βασίλειο των Ελλήνων) in the aftermath of the Greek revolution of 1821. More absurb theories emanating mostly by the radical groups of FYROM’s diaspora claim that Greeks were NEVER found in Macedonia prior to 1913. Here is a little reminder to the Slavic falsifiers history taken from… their own sources.

1. In the second half of 14th century, monk Isaiah said that Ugljesha has risen Serbian and Greek army (Srbskija i Grchskiija voiska) and his brother Vukashin,and with that army they confronted the invading Turks.

Novakovich,S. “Srbi i Turci XIV i XV veka , 1893,pp.184,

Mikloshich ,F. “S.Joannis Chrystostomi homilia in ramos palmarum”, 1845, pp.71

Mikloshich,F. “Chrestomatia Paleoslovenica”, 1861, pp 41

2. Archbishop of Ohrid Avram in 1634 arrived in Russia with escort. When asked,they said they were Greeks from the Serbian land of Ohrid (Grechane Serpskie zemli iz Ahridona Goroda) .

Archive of the Russian Ministry Of Foreign Affairs, Year 7142,No 8

3. In 1667 Emperor Leopold gave some privileges to the Greeks (Graeci) and Serbs (Rasciani) who emigrated toward Northern Hungary and most of them arrived from Macedonia

(Praesertim autem ex Macedonia adventum) . Vitkovich,G “Glasnik Srpskog uchenog rushtva”,67,1887,pp.128;pp.131

4. In 1680 Archbishop of Skoplje writes about Serbia and says that Skoplje is capital city in Serbia (Scopia….metropolli di Servia) . Further,He mentions that Orthodox houses in Skoplje are Greek and Serbian (Case Greche e Serviane) .

Theiner,A. ibidem, pp. 220

5. Canonical Visit by Archbishop of Skoplje Peter Bogdani in 1680 indicated that inhabitans of Skoplje are “Greeks, Serbs, Jews, Armenians”.

“Scritture orig. rif. nelle. congr. gen. vol. 482 ad congr. die 5 maii 1681 Nro 24”

6. Catholic Archbishop of Skoplje Matija Masarek, an Albanian, reported that the city as inhabited with “Grece, scismatici Serviani, Ebrei et Armeni” in a report written c.1770.

In 1790 he mentioned in his report that Turks are suspicious of Greeks and Serbs of Skoplje because they have sent letters to Russia.

“Scritture rif. nei congressi – Servia. Vol. III”, marzo 1790

Patriarch Euthymius of Turnovo (Patriarch of Bulgaria between 1375 and 1393) in his “Hagiography of St. Ilarion Maglenski” wrote about the Bulgarian Char Kaloyan:

Translation in English:

“He was very brave, then, conquered a large part of the Greek land, namely Thrace and Macedonia, the Tribalia and Dalmatia, in those added Neada (sic) and Ellada and still Aitolia.”

From the above it is clear that the Patriarch Euthymius, reflecting a general perception, recognizes Macedonia as part of Greek land.

Source: E. Kaluzniacki, Werke Des Patriachen von Bulgarien Euthymius (1375-1393),. Nach den besten Handschriften, Wien 1901.

In an Anonymous Bulgarian Chronicle of early 15th century, we have the description of the Turkish invation in Balkans. There we read:

Translation in English:

Then Katakouzinos came to agreement with Mourat and they gave oaths and exchanged written agreements which apply even today that Turks wont harm the Greeks, neither in Romania, nor in Macedonia in the century, and when Turks promised things will be like that, Kantakozinos left to the Turks the passage from Kallipolis.”

Source: J. Bogdan, “Ein Beitrag zur Bulgarischen und Serbischen Geschichtscheribung”, Archiv fur Slavische Plilologie, v. 13 (1891), 527

So even in Medieval Bulgarian sources it was well known in Macedonia were living Greeks. However Turks didnt keep their promises for long.

Translation in English:

When Kaloyan was a king at that time, in Constantinople, Palaiologos, then Turks broke the oaths which they had agreed with the Greeks, and conquered the city of Kallipolis and the surrounding villages, took Macedonia and they started conflicts everywhere, and in the passage they look to exist their own ships in order to guard it, after they pushed and sent away the Greeks from the area.”

From the old-Bulgarian translation of Manasses Chronicle, a translation dating back in the first years of the Ivan Alexander’s reign (1331-1340) we find:

Translation in English:

During the reign of Anastasius, Bulgarians started to conquer this land, they passed to Bidynio and firstly begun to conquer the Lower land of Ochrid and later all of it.

Source: Die Slavische Manasses-Chronik. Ach der Ausgabe von oan Bogdan. Muncen, Wilhelm Fink Verlag 1966, page 115.

The Bulgarian character of Samuil’s state, contrary to the illusions of t FYROM’s pseudohistorians is proved undoubtedly here. Similarly we can find again in the same source a little later:

Translation in English:

“This King Vasileios crashed Samouil, Char of Bulgars, twice and conquered Bidynio and PLiska, and the Great Preslava and the Small one, and many other cities [..]“

Similar references can be also found in Serbian Medieval Sources:

From the “Bios of St Savva“ written by Teodosie Hilandara (mid 13th cent)

Translation in English:

“This Kaloyan, Czar of Zagorion moved and destroyed many Greek cities in the entire Thrace and in the entire Macedonia [..]“

Source: Teodosije Hilandarac, Zivot Svetoga Save.Izdanje Dure Danicica priredio i predgovor napisao Dorde Trifunovic, Beograd, 1973 (first publ. 1860), p. 103

Therefore we learn that even Serbs knew Macedonia and Thrace consisted of Greek cities.

By Nicholas M.


Ancient Macedonians – Modern Historians write about their Greekness

August 16, 2010

(1) A rare collection of sources verifying the Greekness of Ancient Macedonians

 Bury & Meiggs (1985) “A History of Greece”
      page 415

            “The Macedonian people and their kings were of Greek stock,
             as  their traditions and the scanty remains of their   language combine
             to testify.”

 *  H. Bengston  (1988) “A History of Greece: from the beginnings  to the Byzantine era”
      page 186.
            Bengston makes the following statement pertaining to the origins of the Macedonians:
           “They should be included in the group of North-West Greek  tribes
            On the same page he also states that :
            the majority of modern historians have correctly argued for
            the Hellenic   origin of  the Macedonians.       

 * N.G.L Hammond (1986) “A History of Greece to 332 B.C.”
     page 651.
         “Greece and Macedon were akin in blood and culture.” 

  * N.G.L Hammond (1992) “The Miracle that was Macedonia”
    page 206.
          Hammond states:
          “As members of the Greek race and speakers of the Greek language,
           the Macedonians shared in the  ability to initiate
          ideas and create political forms.”

  * M. Opperman (1996) “The Oxford Classical Dictionary 3rd ed.- Macedonia,Cults”
    page 905.

        In this prestigious source Opperman states:
        “Nowadays historians generally agree that the Macedonians ethnos
         form part of the Greek ethnos; hence  they also  shared in the common  religious
         and cultural features of the Hellenic world

 * U. Wilcken (1967) “Alexander the Great 
    page 22
         Wilcken states:
         “And yet when we take into account the political conditions,
          religion and morals of the
          Macedonians our conviction is strengthened that
          They were a Greek race and akin to the Dorians


* R. Malcolm Errington, (1993) ‘A History of Macedonia’,University of California Press, February ,
    page 7

           Prof. Errington states:
           “Macedonian horsemen together with those  of their Thessalian neighbours were later regarded
            as the best in GREECE”   

* Robin Lane Fox, ‘Alexander the Great’,
      page 104

            Robin Lane Fox explains how ancient Macedonians were viewed:
            “To his ancestors (to a Persian’s ancestors) Macedonians were only known
             as ‘yona takabara’, the ‘Greeks who wear shields
    on  their heads’, an allusion to their broad-brimmed hats”  

 * Richard Stoneman, ‘Alexander the Great’,
       page 14

           Richard Stoneman writes:
             In favour of the Greek identity of the Macedonians is what
              we know of their language: the place-names,  
              names of the months and many of the personal names,
              especially royal names, which are Greek in roots and form.
             ’ This suggests that they did not merely use Greek as a lingua
               franca, but spoke it as natives (though with  a local accent
              which turned Philip into Bilip, for example).  

 * Eugene.N.Borza (1990) “On the Shadows of Olympus”, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 
        page 84 

                Eugene Borza states:
               “The macedonians themselves may have originated from the
                  same population pool that produced other Greek  peoples.

 * Ernst Badian (1982) “Studies in the history of art Vol 10: Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Times”
           “We have now become accustomed to regarding Macedonians
              as northern Greeks’ and, in extreme  cases, to hearing

              conquests described as in essence Greek Conquests. The former
              CERTAINLY became TRUE, in Greek consciousness in the course of the Hellenistic age.   

* Charles Edson, ‘Ancient Macedonian Studies in honor of Charles F. Edson’
               Important West Greek elements remained in the Pindos. These are
                those whom Herodotus called ‘Makednon ethnos”

* Richard Billows ‘Antigonus the One-Eyed’
pages 18-20

               “The Macedonians, then, were probably a Greek people (though certainly
            with an admixture of Illyrians and Thracians) akin in language and culture
             to their neighbors to the south and west, the Thessalians and Epeirots”

* Jonathan M. Hall (1998) “Ethnic identity in Greek antiquity” Cambridge University Press
              That the origin of this new population should be the supposed
              Dorian of northwest Greece seemed to be
by the early appearance of cist graves
            at Kalbaki in Epeiros, Kozani, Vergina and Khaukhitsa  in Makedonia.“  

* Robin Osborne (2004) Greek History Book, Routledge,
    page 127

             ”Although Macedonians were accepted as Greek, after some discussion, <
              for the purposes of competing at the Olympic games, and although the
            language of the Macedonians appears most probably to have been a dialect of Greek related to
             the dialects of north-west Greek, some Macedonian customs were distinct”

* M. C. Howatson (1989) The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature Book by  Oxford University Press,
     page 339


             ”Thus the kings were of largely Dorian Greek stock, they presumably  spoke a form of Dorian Greek and  their cultural tradition had Greek      features. Whether or not the Macedonian people spoke a Greek dialect or a foreign tongue  is still a matter of debate, but such evidence as exists suggests that they spoke a distinctive dialect of  Greek, perhaps related to Aeolic”


*Anthony E. David ‘A Biographical Dictionary of Ancient Egypt’

After Alexander the Great conquered Egypt in 332 BC, the country was ruled by a line of Macedonian Greeks who descended from *Alexander’s general, Ptolemy

* George Cawkwell (1978) “Philip of Macedon,” Fellow of the University College, Oxford,
pp. 22-3, 

The Macedonians were Greeks. Their language was Greek, to judge by their personal names and by the names of the months of the calendar;

* David G. Hogarth, “Philip and Alexander of Macedon”

Page 8

The king [of macedon] was chief in the first instance of a race of plain-dwellers, who held themselves to be, like him, of Hellenic stock 

Page 80

It [Macedonia] was inhabited by sturdy gentry and peasantry and by agile highlanders, all composed of the same racial elements as the Greeks

* Walter M. Ellis (1994) Ptolemy of Egypt

Page X

I fear that I have not been wholly consistent in my use of the term “Macedonian.” For the record, let me state that I believe Macedonians, ancient and modern, are Greeks

* Eric Carlton (1992) Occupation: The Policies and Practices of Military Conquerors

Page 55

Scholars are now more or less agreed that they were one group of many Dorian tribes that had made their way into Greece from the Balkans in successive waves probably from as early as the eleventh century BC

* Alan Fildes , Alexander the Great, son of the gods,

 page 12

Although the Macedonians spoke a Greek dialect, worshipped Greek gods and traced their nation’s origins from Olympian gods, their customes and northern Doric accent were markedly different from those of the people of the rest of Greece, who saw the Macedonia as a largely insignificant, backward monarchy

* Theodor Mommsen, (1909) The Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol.1, translated by W. P. Dickson, from the 1909 edition (Chicago, Ares Publishers , 1974),


While the Macedonians proper on the lower course of the Haliacmon (Vistritza) and the Axius (Vardar), as far as the Strymon, were an ORIGINALLY Greek stock, 

* David Sacks (1995) “A Dictionary of the Ancient Greek World”, Oxford University

“Historians refer to this enlarged Greek society as the Hellenistic world. At the start of his reign, the 20 year old Alexander was the crowned king only of Macedon- a crude Greek nation northeast of mainland Greece-…. His mother Olympias, came from the ruling clan of the northwestern Greek region called Epirus…

* Martin Sicker (2000) ‘The Pre-Islamic Middle East’

page 102, 

Moreover, he was a Macedonian, from the backwater of the Greek world

* L.S. Stavrianos “The Balkans since 1453,

page 19,

Recent philological and archaeological research indicates that the ancient Macedonians were in fact Greeks

* Peter G Tsouras ,“Alexander: Invincible King of Macedonia” ,

 page 3, 

The macedonians were Greek in language and blood

* Philip Hughes ‘A History of the Church Volume 1

page 4 

The Macedonians, though the language they spoke was undoubtedly a Greek dialect, and though they were probably Greeks by blood

* R. M. Cook (1962), “The Greeks until Alexander”,

page. 23

Macedonia and Epirus were the buffers of Greece in Europe..

* Hermann Bengtson, ‘History of Greece’University of Ottawa Press, 1988.

 pgs 185-186. 

So the majority of modern historians, admittedly with the noteworthy exception of Julius Kaerst , have argued CORRECTLY for the Hellenic origin of the Macedonians. They should be included in the group of the North-West Greek tribes .

* Mortimer Chambers (1997) “The Western Experience”,

 page 79,

Macedonia (or Macedon) was an ancient, somewhat backward kingdom in northern Greece. Its emergence as a Hellenic (Greek) power was due to a resourceful king, Philip II (359-336) 

* Jacob Abbott , Alexander the Great 

Now Alexander was born the heir to the throne of one of the Grecian kingdoms. He possessed, in a very remarkable degree, the energy, and enterprise, and military skill so characteristic of the Greeks and Romans.

* John V.A. Fine (1983) ‘The Ancient Greeks: A Critical History’ Harvard University Press,

 pgs 605-608 

Modern scholarship, after many generations of argument, now almost unanimously recognises them as Greeks, a branch of the Dorians and ‘NorthWest Greeks’ who, after long residence in the north Pindus region, migrated eastwards 

* Rene Guerdan (1969), French Historian 

The Macedonians are and have always been Greeks, and the creation of a “Socialist Republic of Macedonia” with Skopje as capital is only a sad farce. 

* David H. Levinson, Encyclopaedia of World Cultures 

Page 239

It should be noted that there is no connection between the Macedonians of the time of Alexander the great who were related to other Hellenic tribes and the Macedonians of today, who are of Slavic Origin and related to the Bulgarians.

* Bim Sherman (1930)’The Century’

Page 527

“And yet the Hindus of the Punjab were simply old-fashioned Hindus, as the
Macedonians were old-fashioned Greeks. ”


* Ernest Barker “The European Inheritance”

The Macedonians were backward Greeks, with a good deal of Illyrian and other
admixture, a rustic dialect, and a native pantheon

* Archaeological Institute of America (1948) 

The Macedonians were Greeks in contradistinction to Barbarians, but they lived
on the periphery of the Greek world, far removed in space and spirit from the rest of Greeks.

* Benjamin I. Wheeler, Alexander the Great: The Merging of East and West in Universal History  –

That the Macedonians were Greek by race there can be no longer any doubt.
They were the northernmost fragments of the race left stranded behind the barriers..”

* Norman Karol Gottwald  “The Politics of Ancient Israel” 

Although the Macedonians were Greek in language and culture, they were not primary carriers of Greek political democracy.

* Nigel Guy Wilson (2006) Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece  

The latest archaeological findings have confirmed that Macedonia took it’s name from a tribe of tall , Greek-speaking people , the Makednoi ...”

* Mark Grossman “Biographical Dictionary of World Military Leaders”

When Alexander was just a child, his father was making Macedon (Now Macedonia in northern Greece) into one of the Greatest Greek city-states, as well as the dominant power in the Balkans.”

* Rober Morkot, The Penguin Historical Atlas of ancient Greece.

Page 70 

in the northwest, the peoples of Molossis, Orestis and Lynkestis spoke west Greek and although they absorbed other groups into their territory, they were essentially “Greeks”. The main difference between Macedonia and the city states of the south was that it was ruled by a king and powerful nobility. 

* J.J. Pollitt Art and Experience in Classical Greece

The Macedonians were ethnically related to the Greeks and spoke a dialect of Greek, but their loose feudal kingdom the northern border of the Greek world had always been regarded as culturally backward.

* Eric Carlton “Occupation – The policies and practices of Military Conquerors”

Page 55

Scholars are now more or less agreed that they were one group of many Dorian tribes that had made their way into Greece from the Balkans in successive waves probably from as early as the eleventh century BC.

* J.R. Hamilton “Alexander the Great”

That the Macedonians were of Greek stock seems certain.

* Joseph M. Bryant, Moral codes and social structure in ancient Greece,

 The Macedonians were of Greek stock, though for centuries they had remained outside the mainstream of Hellenic civilization.

* N. Jayapalan “comprehensive study of Aristotle”,

This was Macedonia in the strict sense the land where settled those immigrants of Greek stock afterwards called Macedonians.

* Katheryn A. Bard, Encyclopaedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt,

Page 460,

The Macedonians were originally one of several Greek tribes living on the northern frontier of the Hellenic world

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Macedonian PanHellenism in Alexander’s Asian expedition

August 13, 2010

Panhellenism during classical ages was a political ideology supporting the belief that the Greek cities could solve their political, social, and economic problems by uniting in common cause and conquering all or part of the mighty Persian Empire. Although the origins of panhellenism should be found in 5th century, it was during the 4th century it reached its peak. Beginning with the Olympic Oration of Gorgias (408 or 392 according to others) and a little later with Lysias (probably 388 BC), it was finally culminated later with Isocrates. In his Panegyricus, Isocrates argued that Athens and Sparta together should share the hegemony. However he later hoped that a single leader, such as Philip of Macedon, could first reconcile and then lead the united Greeks in the great crusade. In accordance during the summer of 337 Philip of Macedon summoned delegates from various Greek states to Corinth. He established there a permanent seat the so-called League of Corinth, an organization which was surely meant both to recall and to be the successor of the Hellenic League of 480. These delegates, after Philip’s suggestion, declared war on Persia with Philip himself as supreme commander. Philip’s assasination a little later paused for a while Macedonian plans for the Asian expedition which was destined to be fulfilled by his son Alexander.

Here we have to acknowledge there were also attempts in the past of ambitius Greek leaders to unite Greeks against their common enemy, the Persians. When the Spartan king Agesilaus invaded Asia in 396 he was greatly admired, according to Xenophon (Ages. 1. 8), because he desired to requite the King of Persia for his ancestor’s previous invasion of Greece. He also wished to gain independence for the Greek cities in Asia. When first Philip and then Alexander announced their intention of invading Asia, they employed the very same justification as had Agesilaus. This was to free the Greeks in Asia from Persian rule and to punish the Persians for their invasion of Greece in 480. Ironically Agesilaus evenif he was successful in the beginning of his Asian adventure had to cancel a little later his Asian expedition after he was recalled to defend Sparta in 394 because the most powerful of the Greek states (Athens, Argos, Thebes, and Corinth) were quick to fight against Sparta with Persian money. Spartan army and navy had to fight at certain occasions a united Persian-Greek army (ie Battle of Knidus).

Here we must understand the vast majority of Greeks were not “thrilled” with the idea of concentration of power to a single person. Bringing back to mind the case of Jason of Pherae, despite Isocrates claim (Phil. 119.20) that he “obtained the greatest reputation” by merely proclaiming that he intended to cross over to Asia and make war upon the King, in fact JAson was so dreaded by the Greeks that in 370 his assassins were honoured in most of the cities which they entered. This was a clear proof, in Xenophon’s opinion (Hell. 6. 4. 32), of how much the Greeks feared that Jason would become their tyrant. It was these suspicions that Greeks had felt for Jason which forced Philip to stress that he wasnt their tyrant but instead their Leader and avenger.

After the assasination of Philip, his successor to the throne of Macedon, Alexander managed to fulfil his father’s plans. Lets analyze what position had Panhellenism in Alexander’s campaign. In the beginning of his expedition Alexander showed to everybody the Panhellenic character of his campaign.

– In his letter to Darius in 332 BC, as reported by Arrian, Alexander subtly weaves together Greek and Macedonian grievances (2. 14. 5.6): “Your ancestors invaded Macedonia and the rest of Greece and did us great harm, although you had suffered no prior injury; I have been appointed hegemon of the Greeks and have invaded Asia in the desire to take vengeance on the Persians for the aggressions which you began.”

– When he reached the Hellespont he sacrificed at the tomb of Protesilaus at Elaeus, who was the first of the Achaeans to be killed during the Trojan War. Right after, in imitation of Protesilaus, he was the first to leap ashore onto Asian soil. As soon as he crossed he proceeded to Troy, where he sacrificed in the temple of Athena and exchanged his own armour for a set dating from the Trojan War. Those arms were always carried before him in battle. He also crowned the tomb of Achilles and performed other ceremonies there. Xerxes had sacrificed at Troy before invading Greece and so it was only to be expected that Alexander would do likewise before invading Asia. After the battle of the Granicus, Alexander sent 300 Persian panoplies to Athens as a dedication to Athena (Arr.1. 16. 7; Plut. Alex. 16. 17.18). The inscription attached to the dedication was pointed: OAlexander the son of Philip and the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians from the barbarians who dwell in Asia. During the battle of the Granicus, Alexander slaughtered most of the 20,000 Greek mercenaries who fought for the Persians and dispatched some 2,000 of them as prisoners to Macedonia, where they would be subject to hard labour. His justification, as Arrian (1. 16. 6) explains, was because though being Greeks, in violation of the common resolutions of the Greeks, they had fought against Greece for barbarians. Alexander then proceeded, although with some flexibility on his part, to keep his word and liberate the Greek cities of Asia.

– While en route from Miletus to Caria he proclaimed that he had undertaken the war against the Persians for the sake of the freedom of the Greeks (Diod. 17. 24. 1: cf. Arr. 1. 18. 1.2). Later, in Lycia near the city of Xanthus, Alexander was encouraged by the discovery of a bronze tablet which allegedly predicted the destruction of the Persian Empire by Greeks. Decades ago, Cimon, the son of Miltiades according to Plutarch (Cimon 18. 7) sent messengers to the shrine of Ammon to consult the god during operations against the Persian empire. After his conquest of Egypt, Alexander followed the example of the famous Greek leader Cimon and consulted the oracle of Zeus Ammon. Perhaps Alexander may have wanted the Athenians and other Greeks to see him as completing the task which Cimon had begun more than a century earlier.

– Before the battle of Issus, Alexander encouraged his Greek forces with the appropriate panhellenic themes. Curtius (3. 10) and Justin (11. 9. 3.6) claim that Alexander said what was appropriate to each of the nationalities in his

army and give a similar account of what he said to the Greeks. To quote Justin: Ohe rode round his troops addressing remarks tailored to each nationality among them and he Oinspired the Greeks by reminding them of past wars and of their deadly hatred for the Persians The battle of Gaugamela was nothing short of a panhellenist set piece. As Plutarch

describes it (Alex. 33. 1), before the battle Alexander made a very long speech to the Thessalians and the other Greeks and when they encouraged him with shouts to lead them against the barbarians, he shifted his spear into his left hand and with his right he called upon the gods, as Callisthenes says, praying to them, if indeed he was truly sprung from Zeus, to defend and strengthen the Greeks.

– Following the battle Alexander took steps seeking, as Plutarch (Alex. 34) says, to win the favour of the Greeks. He wrote to them that the tyrannies had been abolished (meaning those in Asia) and that the Greeks were autonomous. He wrote separately to the Plataeans that he would rebuild Plataea because their ancestors had furnished territory to the Greeks

for the struggle on behalf of their freedom. He also sent a portion of the spoils to the people of Croton because the athlete Phayllus had fitted out a ship at his own expense with which he fought at Salamis in 480 (Plut. Alex. 34). In this way Alexander, always mindful of the significant gesture, linked his victory at Gaugamela with the Greek victories at both Plataea and Salamis.

– As Alexander proceeded eastwards, more gestures followed. After the capture of Susa in 331 he sent (or promised to send) back to Athens the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton and the seated figure of Artemis Celcaea which Xerxes had removed (Arr. 3. 16.7.8); something which he may actually have done in 324 (Arr. 7. 19. 2)

– Finally, we have the burning of Persepolis. When Alexander first arrived he handed over the city proper, apart from the palace complex, to be sacked by his troops. According to the vulgate tradition, Alexander proclaimed that Persepolis was the most hostile city in Asia and should be destroyed in retaliation for the invasions of Xerxes and Darius. Alexander then wintered at the palace complex and Plutarch claims that when Demaratus the Corinthian, who had been a friend of Philip’s, saw Alexander seated on the throne of Darius, he said that Othose Greeks were deprived of great pleasure who had died before seeing Alexander seated on that throne. None the less, at the end of his sojourn, the palace was destroyed. The official explanation for this act of terrorism is provided by Arrian (3. 18. 12; cf. Strabo 15. 3. 6): that Alexander wished to punish the Persians for their invasion of Greece, the destruction of Athens, the burning of the temples, and for all their other crimes against the Greeks.

– Because Alexander soon disbanded his allied contingents at Ecbatana in 330 (Arr. 3. 19. 5.6; cf. Diod. 17. 74. 3; Curt. 6. 2. 15.17), it is generally asserted that the panhellenic part of the expedition was over. But this was not true for several reasons and it should be emphasized that no ancient source marks this as a turning point. First of all, to Alexander’s panhellenic audience in Greece the burning indeed would have signalled that the destruction of Athens had been avenged, but it would not obviously have signalled the end of the panhellenic campaign. Isocrates had urged Philip (Phil. 154) Oto rule as many of the barbarians as possible and Alexander still had a long way to go in order to fulfil that recommendation. Secondly, Arrian says that not a few of the Greek troops stayed on as mercenaries, and this may have been Alexander’s way of transferring the cost of their maintenance from their home cities to himself in the wake of his seizure of the Persian royal treasuries.

– an incident took place in the summer of 329 that unequivocally demonstrates that the war of revenge was still being employed. Curtius narrates in vivid detail how Alexander, after he had crossed the Oxus river, came upon a small town in Bactria, inhabited by the Branchidae. These Branchidae, Curtius tells us, were the descendants of the priests who had violated the temple of Apollo at Didyma and betrayed it to Xerxes in 479. lexander took a terrible revenge upon them for their ancestors’ treachery: the Branchidae were massacred as traitors and their town was destroyed root and branch.

– During 326 BC, when he was crossing the river Hydaspes in a storm just before his battle with Porus, according to Onesicritus, Alexander cried out OOh Athenians, could you possibly believe what sort of dangers I am undergoing in order to win a good reputation in your eyes.

– During the winter of 325/4 BC the historian Theopompus of Chios wrote a letter to Alexander in which he laments that although Harpalus had spent more than two hundred talents on memorials for his deceased mistress, no one had yet adorned the grave of those who died in Cilicia on behalf of your kingship and the freedom of the Greeks.This does not demonstrate that Theopompus was himself a panhellenist but rather, it indicates that a Greek on the island f Chios, who was trying to ingratiate himself, thought that

Othe freedom of the Greeks of Asia was still an important slogan to Alexander. Many of those cities must have felt that Alexander was sincere enough, since they not only granted him divine honours, but maintained his cult for centuries after his death.

– we have Diodorus’ description of the funeral pyre of Hephaestion, which was no doubt designed by Alexander himself. Hephaestion died in the autumn of 324, after the marriages at Susa and the banquet of reconciliation at Opis. Diodorus (17. 115. 4) says of the pyre, which must have looked like a ziggurat, that the first level was decorated with the prows of 240 quinqueremes, each bearing two kneeling archers and armed male figures; this, we can infer, alluded to the battle of Salamis. The fourth level, he tells us, carried a centauromachy rendered in gold and the sixth level was covered with Macedonian and Persian arms, Osignifying the bravery of the one people and the defeats of the other. The centauromachy, in particular, was surely meant to evoke the Greek/barbarian antithesis of fifth-century Athenian public monuments .

Bibliography: Alexander the Great and Panhellenism – Michael Flower (Franklin and Marshall College, Pennsylvania)


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